representative government-第37章

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in　clubs　and　private　societies；　to　its　adoption　in　parliamentary　elections。　A　member　of　a　club　is　really；　what　the　elector　falsely　believes　himself　to　be；　under　no　obligation　to　consider　the　wishes　or　interests　of　any　one　else。　He　declares　nothing　by　his　vote　but　that　he　is　or　is　not　willing　to　associate；　in　a　manner　more　or　less　close；　with　a　particular　person。　This　is　a　matter　on　which；　by　universal　admission；　his　own　pleasure　or　inclination　is　entitled　to　decide：　and　that　he　should　be　able　so　to　decide　it　without　risking　a　quarrel　is　best　for　everybody；　the　rejected　person　included。　An　additional　reason　rendering　the　ballot　unobjectionable　in　these　cases　is　that　it　does　not　necessarily　or　naturally　lead　to　lying。　The　persons　concerned　are　of　the　same　class　or　rank；　and　it　would　be　considered　improper　in　one　of　them　to　press　another　with　questions　as　to　how　he　had　voted。　It　is　far　otherwise　in　parliamentary　elections；　and　is　likely　to　remain　so；　as　long　as　the　social　relations　exist　which　produce　the　demand　for　the　ballot；　as　long　as　one　person　is　sufficiently　the　superior　of　another　to　think　himself　entitled　to　dictate　his　vote。　And　while　this　is　the　case；　silence　or　an　evasive　answer　is　certain　to　be　construed　as　proof　that　the　vote　given　has　not　been　that　which　was　desired。　　　In　any　political　election；　even　by　universal　suffrage　（and　still　more　obviously　in　the　case　of　a　restricted　suffrage）；　the　voter　is　under　an　absolute　moral　obligation　to　consider　the　interest　of　the　public；　not　his　private　advantage；　and　give　his　vote；　to　the　best　of　his　judgment；　exactly　as　he　would　be　bound　to　do　if　he　were　the　sole　voter；　and　the　election　depended　upon　him　alone。　This　being　admitted；　it　is　at　least　a　prima　facie　consequence　that　the　duty　of　voting；　like　any　other　public　duty；　should　be　performed　under　the　eye　and　criticism　of　the　public；　every　one　of　whom　has　not　only　an　interest　in　its　performance；　but　a　good　title　to　consider　himself　wronged　if　it　is　performed　otherwise　than　honestly　and　carefully。　Undoubtedly　neither　this　nor　any　other　maxim　of　political　morality　is　absolutely　inviolable；　it　may　be　overruled　by　still　more　cogent　considerations。　But　its　weight　is　such　that　the　cases　which　admit　of　a　departure　from　it　must　be　of　a　strikingly　exceptional　character。　　　It　may；　unquestionably；　be　the　fact　that　if　we　attempt；　by　publicity；　to　make　the　voter　responsible　to　the　public　for　his　vote；　he　will　practically　be　made　responsible　for　it　to　some　powerful　individual；　whose　interest　is　more　opposed　to　the　general　interest　of　the　community　than　that　of　the　voter　himself　would　be　if；　by　the　shield　of　secrecy；　he　were　released　from　responsibility　altogether。　When　this　is　the　condition；　in　a　high　degree；　of　a　large　proportion　of　the　voters；　the　ballot　may　be　the　smaller　evil。　When　the　voters　are　slaves；　anything　may　be　tolerated　which　enables　them　to　throw　off　the　yoke。　The　strongest　case　for　the　ballot　is　when　the　mischievous　power　of　the　Few　over　the　Many　is　increasing。　In　the　decline　of　the　Roman　republic　the　reasons　for　the　ballot　were　irresistible。　The　oligarchy　was　yearly　becoming　richer　and　more　tyrannical；　the　people　poorer　and　more　dependent；　and　it　was　necessary　to　erect　stronger　and　stronger　barriers　against　such　abuse　of　the　franchise　as　rendered　it　but　an　instrument　the　more　in　the　hands　of　unprincipled　persons　of　consequence。　As　little　can　it　be　doubted　that　the　ballot；　so　far　as　it　existed；　had　a　beneficial　operation　in　the　Athenian　constitution。　Even　in　the　least　unstable　of　the　Grecian　commonwealths　freedom　might　be　for　the　time　destroyed　by　a　single　unfairly　obtained　popular　vote；　and　though　the　Athenian　voter　was　not　sufficiently　dependent　to　be　habitually　coerced；　he　might　have　been　bribed；　or　intimidated　by　the　lawless　outrages　of　some　knot　of　individuals；　such　as　were　not　uncommon　even　at　Athens　among　the　youth　of　rank　and　fortune。　The　ballot　was　in　these　cases　a　valuable　instrument　of　order；　and　conduced　to　the　Eunomia　by　which　Athens　was　distinguished　among　the　ancient　commonwealths。　　　But　in　the　more　advanced　states　of　modern　Europe；　and　especially　in　this　country；　the　power　of　coercing　voters　has　declined　and　is　declining；　and　bad　voting　is　now　less　to　be　apprehended　from　the　influences　to　which　the　voter　is　subject　at　the　hands　of　others　than　from　the　sinister　interests　and　discreditable　feelings　which　belong　to　himself；　either　individually　or　as　a　member　of　a　class。　To　secure　him　against　the　first；　at　the　cost　of　removing　all　restraint　from　the　last；　would　be　to　exchange　a　smaller　and　a　diminishing　evil　for　a　greater　and　increasing　one。　On　this　topic；　and　on　the　question　generally；　as　applicable　to　England　at　the　present　date；　I　have；　in　a　pamphlet　on　Parliamentary　Reform；　expressed　myself　in　terms　which；　as　I　do　not　feel　that　I　can　improve　upon；　I　will　venture　here　to　transcribe。　　　〃Thirty　years　ago　it　was　still　true　that　in　the　election　of　members　of　Parliament　the　main　evil　to　be　guarded　against　was　that　which　the　ballot　would　exclude…　coercion　by　landlords；　employers；　and　customers。　At　present；　I　conceive；　a　much　greater　source　of　evil　is　the　selfishness；　or　the　selfish　partialities；　of　the　voter　himself。　A　base　and　mischievous　vote　is　now；　I　am　convinced；　much　oftener　given　from　the　voter's　personal　interest；　or　class　interest；　or　some　mean　feeling　in　his　own　mind；　than　from　any　fear　of　consequences　at　the　hands　of　others：　and　to　these　influences　the　ballot　would　enable　him　to　yield　himself　up；　free　from　all　sense　of　shame　or　responsibility。　　　〃In　times　not　long　gone　by；　the　higher　and　richer　classes　were　in　complete　possession　of　the　government。　Their　power　was　the　master　grievance　of　the　country。　The　habit　of　voting　at　the　bidding　of　an　employer；　or　of　a　landlord；　was　so　firmly　established；　that　hardly　anything　was　capable　of　shaking　it　but　a　strong　popular　enthusiasm；　seldom　known　to　exist　but　in　a　good　cause。　A　vote　given　in　opposition　to　those　influences　was　therefore；　in　general；　an　honest；　a　public…spirited　vote；　but　in　any　case；　and　by　whatever　motive　dictated；　it　was　almost　sure　to　be　a　good　vote；　for　it　was　a　vote　against　the　monster　evil；　the　over…ruling　influence　of　oligarchy。　Could　the　voter　at　that　time　have　been　enabled；　with　safety　to　himself；　to　exercise　his　privilege　freely；　even　though　neither　honestly　nor　intelligently；　it　would　have　been　a　great　gain　to　reform；　for　it　would　have　broken　the　yoke　of　the　then　ruling　power　in　the　country…　the　power　which　had　created　and　which　maintained　all　that　was　bad　in　the　institutions　and　the　administration　of　the　State…　the　power　of　landlords　and　boroughmongers。　　　〃The　ballot　was　not　adopted；　but　the　progress　of　circumstances　has　done　and　is　doing　more　and　more；　in　this　respect；　the　work　of　the　ballot。　Both　the　political　and　the　social　state　of　the　country；　as　they　affect　this　question；　have　greatly　changed；　and　are　changing　every　day。　The　higher　classes　are　not　now　masters　of　the　country。　A　person　must　be　blind　to　all　the　signs　of　the　times　who　could　think　that　the　middle　classes　are　as　subservient　to　the　higher；　or　the　working　classes　as　dependent　on　the　higher　and　middle；　as　they　were　a　quarter　of　a　century　ago。　The　events　of　that　quarter　of　a　century　have　not　only　taught　each　class　to　know　its　own　collective　strength；　but　have　put　the　individuals　of　a　lower　class　in　a　condition　to　show　a　much　bolder　front　to　those　of　a　higher。　In　a　majority　of　cases；　the　vote　of　the　electors；　whether　in　opposition　to　or　in　accordance　with　the　wishes　of　their　superiors；　is　not　now　the　effect　of　coercion；　which　there　are　no　longer　the　same　means　of　applying；　but　the　expression　of　their　own　personal　or　political　partialities。　The　very　vices　of　the　present　electoral　system　are　a　proof　of　this。　The　growth　of　bribery；　so　loudly　complained　of；　and　the　spread　of　the　contagion　to　places　formerly　free　from　it；　are　evidence　that　the　local　influences　are　no　longer　paramount；　that　the　electors　now　vote　to　please　themselves；　and　not　other　people。　There　is；　no　doubt；　in　counties；　and　in　the　smaller　boroughs；　a　large　amount　of　servile　dependence　still　remaining；　but　the　temper　of　the　times　is　adverse　to　it；　and　the　force　of　events　is　constantly　tending　to　diminish　it。　A　good　tenant　can　now　feel　that　he　is　as　valuable　to　his　landlord　as　his　landlord　is　to　him；　a　prosperous　tradesman　can　afford　to　feel　independent　of　any　particular　customer。　At　every　election　the　votes　are　more　and　more　the　voter's　own。　It　is　their　minds；　far　more　than　their　personal　circumstances；　that　now　require　to　be　emancipated。　They　are　no　longer　passive　instruments　of　other　men's　will…　mere　organs　for　putting　power　into　the　hands　of　a　controlling　oligarchy。　The　electors　themselves　are　becoming　the　oligarchy。　　　〃Exactly　in　proportion　as　the　vote　of　the　elector　is　determined　by　his　own　will；　and　not　by　that　of　somebody　who　is　his　master；　his　position　is　similar　to　that　of　a　member　of　Parliament；　and　publicity　is　indispensable。　So　long　as　any　portion　of　the　community　are　unrepresented；　the　argument　of　the　Chartists　against　ballot　in　conjunction　with　a　restricted　suffrage　is　unassailable。　The　present　electors；　and　the　bulk　of　those　whom　any　probable　Reform　Bill　would　add　to　the　number；　are　the　middle　class；　and　have　as