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Its failure is highly undesirable； not because it itself is good； but because
such failure would be preceded or followed by a breakdown of all existing
organizations。 Food distribution； inadequate as it now is； would come to
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an end。 The innumerable non…political committees； which are rather like
Boards of Directors controlling the Timber； Fur； Fishery； Steel； Matches or
other Trusts （since the nationalized industries can be so considered） would
collapse； and with them would collapse not only yet one more hope of
keeping a breath of life in Russian industry； but also the actual livelihoods
of a great number of people； both Communists and non…Communists。 I
do not think it is realized out…side Russia how large a proportion of the
educated classes have become civil servants of one kind or another。 It is
a rare thing when a whole family has left Russia； and many of the most
embittered partisans of war on Russia have relations inside Russia who
have long ago found places under the new system； and consequently fear
its collapse as much as any one。 One case occurs to me in which a father
was an important minister in one of the various White Governments which
have received Allied support； while his son inside Russia was doing pretty
well as a responsible official under the Communists。 Now in the event of
a violent change； the Communists would be outlaws with a price on every
head； and those who have worked with them； being Russians； know their
fellow countrymen well enough to be pretty well convinced that the mere
fact that they are without cards of the membership of the Communist Party；
would not save them in the orgy of slaughter that would follow any such
collapse。
People may think that I underestimate the importance of； the
Extraordinary Commission。 I am perfectly aware that without this police
force with its spies； its prisons and its troops； the difficulties of the
Dictatorship would be increased by every kind of disorder； and the chaos；
which I fear may come； would have begun long ago。 I believe； too； that
the overgrown power of the Extraordinary Commission；
and the cure that must sooner or later be applied to it； may； as in the
French Revolution； bring about the collapse of the whole system。 The
Commission depends for its strength on the fear of something else。 I
have seen it weaken when there was a hope of general peace。 I have seen
it tighten its grip in the presence of attacks from without and attempted
assassination within。 It is dreaded by everybody； not even Communists
are safe from it； but it does not suffice to explain the Dictatorship； and is
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THE CRISIS IN RUSSIA
actually entirely irrelevant to the most important process of that
Dictatorship； namely； the adoption of a single idea； a single argument； by
the whole of a very large body of men。 The whole power of the
Extraordinary Commission does not affect in the slightest degree
discussions inside the Communist Party； and those discussions are the
simple fact distinguishing the Communist Dictatorship from any of the
other dictatorships by which it may be supplanted。
There are 600；000 members of the Communist Party （611；978 on
April 2； 1920）。 There are nineteen members of the Central Committee of
that party。 There are； I believe； five who； when they agree； can usually
sway the remaining fourteen。 There is no need to wonder how these
fourteen can be argued into acceptance of the views of the still smaller
inner ring； but the process of persuading the six hundred thousand of the
desirability of； for example； such measures as those involved in industrial
conscription which； at first sight； was certainly repugnant to most of them；
is the main secret of the Dictatorship； and is not in any way affected by the
existence of the Extraordinary Commission。
Thus the actual government of Russia at the present time may be not
unfairly considered as a small group inside the Central Committee of the
Communist Party。 This small group is able to persuade the majority of
the remaining members of that Committee。 The Committee then sets
about persuading the majority of the party。 In the case of important
measures the process is elaborate。 The Committee issues a statement of its
case； and the party newspapers the Pravda and its affiliated organs are
deluged with its discussion。 When this discussion has had time to spread
through the country； congresses of Communists meet in the provincial
centres； and members of the Central
Committee go down to these conferences to defend the 〃theses〃 which
the Committee has issued。 These provincial congresses； exclusively
Communist； send their delegates of an All…Russian Congress。 There the
〃theses〃 of the Central Committee get altered； confirmed； or； in the case of
an obviously unpersuaded and large opposition in the party； are referred
back or in other ways shelved。 Then the delegates； even those who have
been in opposition at the congress； go back to the country pledged to
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defend the position of the majority。 This sometimes has curious results。
For example； I heard Communist Trades Unionists fiercely arguing against
certain clauses in the theses on industrial conscription at a Communist
Congress at the Kremlin； less than a week afterwards I heard these same
men defending precisely these clauses at a Trades Union Congress over
the way； they loyally abiding by the collective opinion of their fellow
Communists and subject to particularly uncomfortable heckling from
people who vociferously reminded them （since the Communist debates
had been published） that they were now defending what； a few days before；
they had vehemently attacked。
The great strength of the Communist Party is comparable to the
strength of the Jesuits； who； similarly； put themselves and their opinions at
the disposal of the body politic of their fellow members。 Until a decision
had been made； a Communist is perfectly free to do his best to prevent it
being made； to urge alterations in it； or to supply a rival decision； but
once it has been made he will support it without changing his private
opinion。 In all mixed congresses； rather than break the party discipline；
he will give his vote for it； speak in favor of it； and use against its
adversaries the very arguments that have been used against himself。 He
has his share in electing the local Communist Committee； and； indirectly；
in electing the all…powerful Central Committee of the party； and he binds
himself to do at any moment in his life exactly what these Committees
decide for him。 These Committees decide the use that is to be made of the
lives； not only of the rank and file of the party； but also of their own
members。 Even a member of the Central Committee does not escape。
He may be voted by his fellow members into leaving a job he likes and
taking up another he detests in which they think his particular talents will
better serve the party aims。 To become a member of the
Communist Party involves a kind of intellectual abdication； or； to put
it differently； a readiness at any moment to place the collective wisdom of
the party's Committee above one's individual instincts or ideas。 You may
influence its decisions； you may even get it to endorse your own； but
Lenin himself； if he were to fail on any occasion to obtain the agreement
of a majority in the Central Committee； would have to do precisely what