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given them； and later made a practice of going to the railway yards and in
inspecting 〃sick〃 wagons for themselves； taking out any that they thought
had a chance even of temporary convalescence。 Incidentally they caused
great scandal by finding in the Smolensk sidings among the locomotives
and wagons supposed to be sick six good locomotives and seventy
perfectly healthy wagons。 Then they began to improve the feeding of
their army by sending the wood they
had cut； in the trains they had mended； to people who wanted wood
and could give them provisions。 One such train went to Turkestan and
back from the army near Smolensk。 Their work continually increased； and
since they had to remember that they were an army and not merely a sort
of nomadic factory； they began themselves to mobilize； exclusively for
purposes of work； sections of the civil population。 I asked Unshlicht；
who had much to do with this organization； if the peasants came willingly。
He said； 〃Not very；〃 but added that they did not mind when they found
that they got well fed and were given packets of salt as prizes for good
work。 〃The peasants；〃 he said； 〃do not grumble against the Government
when it shows the sort of common sense that they themselves can
understand。 We found that when we said definitely how many carts and
men a village must provide； and used them without delay for a definite
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purpose； they were perfectly satisfied and considered it right and proper。
In every case； however； when they saw people being mobilized and sent
thither without obvious purpose or result； they became hostile at once。〃 I
asked Unshlicht how it was that their army still contained skilled workmen
when one of the objects of industrial conscription was to get the skilled
workmen back into the factories。 He said： 〃We have an accurate census
of the army； and when we get asked for skilled workmen for such and such
a factory； they go there knowing that they still belong to the army。〃
That； of course； is the army point of view； and indicates one of the
main squabbles which industrial conscription has produced。 Trotsky
would like the various armies to turn into units of a territorial militia； and
at the same time to be an important part of the labor organization of each
district。 His opponents do not regard the labor armies as a permanent
manifestation； and many have gone so far as to say that the productivity of
labor in one of these armies is lower than among ordinary workmen。
Both sides produce figures on this point； and Trotsky goes so far as to say
that if his opponents are right； then not only are labor armies damned； but
also the whole principle of industrial conscription。 〃If compulsory labor…
independently of social condition…is unproductive； that is a condemnation
not of the labor
armies； but of industrial conscription in general； and with it of the
whole Soviet system； the further development of which is unthinkable
except on a basis of universal industrial conscription。〃
But； of course； the question of the permanence of the labor armies is
not so important as the question of getting the skilled workers back to the
factories。 The comparative success or failure of soldiers or mobilized
peasants in cutting wood is quite irrelevant to this recovery of the vanished
workmen。 And that recovery will take time； and will be entirely useless
unless it is possible to feed these workers when they have been collected。
There have already been several attempts； not wholly successful； to collect
the straying workers of particular industries。 Thus； after the freeing of
the oil…wells from the Whites； there was a general mobilization of naphtha
workers。 Many of these had bolted on or after the arrival of Krasnov or
Denikin and gone far into Central Russia； settling where they could。 So
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months passed before the Red Army definitely pushed the area of civil war
beyond the oil…wells； that many of these refugees had taken new root and
were unwilling to return。 I believe； that in spite of the mobilization； the
oil…wells are still short of men。 In the coal districts also； which have
passed through similar experiences； the proportion of skilled to unskilled
labor is very much smaller than it was before the war。 There have also
been two mobilizations of railway workers； and these； I think； may be
partly responsible for the undoubted improvement noticeable during the
year； although this is partly at least due to other things beside conscription。
In the first place Trotsky carried with him into the Commissariat of
Transport the same ferocious energy that he has shown in the
Commissariat of War； together with the prestige that he had gained there。
Further； he was well able in the councils of the Republic to defend the
needs of his particular Commissariat against those of all others。 He was；
for example able to persuade the Communist Party to treat the transport
crisis precisely as they had treated each crisis on the front…that is to say； to
mobilize great numbers of professed Communists to meet it； giving them
in this case the especial task of getting engines mended and； somehow or
other； of keeping trains on the
move。
But neither the bridges mended and the wood cut by the labor armies；
nor the improvement in transport； are any final proof of the success of
industrial conscription。 Industrial conscription in the proper sense of the
words is impossible until a Government knows what it has to conscript。
A beginning was made early this year by the introduction of labor books；
showing what work people were doing and where； and serving as a kind of
industrial passports。 But in April this year these had not yet become
general in Moscow although the less unwieldy population of Petrograd
was already supplied with them。 It will be long even if it is possible at
all； before any considerable proportion of the people not living in these
two cities are registered in this way。 A more useful step was taken at the
end of August； in a general census throughout Russia。 There has been no
Russian census since 1897。 There was to have been another about the
time the war began。 It was postponed for obvious reasons。 If the
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Communists carry through the census with even moderate success （they
will of course have to meet every kind of evasion）； they will at least get
some of the information without which industrial conscription on a
national scale must be little more than a farce。 The census should show
them where the skilled workers are。 Industrial conscription should
enable them to collect them and put them at their own skilled work。
Then if； besides transplanting them； they are able to feed them； it will be
possible to judge of the success or failure of a scheme which in most
countries would bring a Government toppling to the ground。
〃In most countries〃； yes； but then the economic crisis has gone
further in Russia than in most countries。 There is talk of introducing
industrial conscription （one year's service） in Germany； where things have
not gone nearly so far。 And perhaps industrial conscription； like
Communism itself； becomes a thing of desperate hope only in a country
actually face to face with ruin。 I remember saying to Trotsky； when
talking of possible opposition； that I； as an Englishman； with the
tendencies to practical anarchism belonging to my race；
should certainly object most strongly