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Nanjio's     fourth   division    of  the   Canon;    containing     Indian   and    Chinese 
miscellaneous   works。   But   Dr。   Davids   says   that   no   work   of   this   name   is 
known either in Sanskrit or Pali literature。 
     '4' We have in the text a phonetisation of the Sanskrit Kundika; which 
is explained in Eitel by the two characters that follow; as=〃washing basin;〃 
but two things evidently are intended。 
     '5' See chap。 xvi; note 23。 
     '6'   At   his   novitiate   Fa…hien     had   sought    the   refuge   of   the  〃three 
Precious   Ones〃  (the   three  Refuges   {。}  {。}  of   last   chapter);   of   which   the 
congregation   or   body  of   the   monks   was one;  and here his   thoughts   turn 
naturally   to   the   branch   of   it   in   China。   His   words   in   his   heart   were   not 
exactly words of prayer; but very nearly so。 
     '7' In the text {。} {。}; ta…fung; 〃the great wind;〃=the typhoon。 
     '8' They  had   got   to   the   south   of   the   Shan…tung   promontory;   and   the 
foot of mount Lao; which still rises under the same name on the extreme 
south of   the peninsula; east   from  Keao Chow;  and   having the district   of 
Tsieh…mih on the east of it。 All the country there is included in the present 
Phing…too Chow of the department Lae…chow。 The name Phing…too dates 
from   the   Han   dynasty;   but   under   the   dynasty   of   the After   Ch'e   {。}   {。}; 
(A。D。   479…501);   it   was   changed   into   Ch'ang…   kwang。   Fa…hien   may   have 
lived; and composed the narrative of his travels; after the change of name 
was adopted。 See the Topographical Tables of the different Dynasties ({。} 
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{。} {。} {。} {。}); published in 1815。 
     '9' What these vegetables exactly were it is difficult to say; and there 
are   different   readings   of   the   characters   for   them。   Williams'   Dictionary; 
under kwoh; brings the two names together in a phrase; but the rendering 
of   it  is  simply   〃a  soup    of  simples。〃    For   two   or  three   columns     here; 
however; the text appears to me confused and imperfect。 
     '10'   I  suppose    these   men    were    really   hunters;  and;   when    brought 
before Fa…hien; because he was a Sramana; they thought they would please 
him by saying they were disciples of Buddha。 But what had disciples of 
Buddha to do with hunting and taking life? They were caught in their own 
trap; and said they were looking for peaches。 
     '11'  The   Chinese   character   here   has   occurred   twice   before;   but   in   a 
different   meaning   and   connexion。   Remusat;   Beal;   and   Giles   take   it   as 
equivalent to 〃to sacrifice。〃 But his followers do not 〃sacrifice〃 to Buddha。 
That is a priestly term; and should not be employed of anything done at 
Buddhistic services。 
     '12' Probably the present department of Yang…chow in Keang…soo; but 
as I have said in a previous note; the narrative does not go on so clearly as 
it generally does。 
     '13' Was; or could; this prefect be Le E? 
     '14' Probably not Ch'ang…gan; but Nan…king; which was the capital of 
the Eastern Tsin dynasty under another name。 
     '15' The whole of this paragraph is probably Fa…hien's own conclusion 
of his narrative。 The second half of the second sentence; both in sentiment 
and style in the Chinese text; seems to necessitate our ascribing it to him; 
writing   on   the   impulse   of   his   own   thoughts;   in   the   same   indirect   form 
which     he   adopted    for   his  whole    narrative。    There    are;  however;     two 
peculiar phraseologies in it which might suggest the work of another hand。 
For the name India; where the first '15' is placed; a character is employed 
which is similarly applied nowhere else; and again; 〃the three Honoured 
Ones;〃 at which the second '15' is placed; must be the same as 〃the three 
Precious Ones;〃 which we have met with so often; unless we suppose that 
{。} {。} is printed in all the revisions for {。} {。}; 〃the World…honoured one;〃 
which has often occurred。 On the whole; while I accept this paragraph as 
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Fa…hien's     own;    I  do  it  with   some    hesitation。   That    the  following     and 
concluding paragraph is from another hand; there can be no doubt。 And it 
is   as   different   as   possible   in   style   from   the   simple   and   straightforward 
narrative of Fa…hien。 
     '16' There is an error of date here; for which it is difficult to account。 
The year Keah…yin was A。D。 414; but that was the tenth year of the period 
E…he; and not the twelfth; the cyclical designation of which was Ping…shin。 
According to the preceding paragraph; Fa…hien's travels had occupied him 
fifteen years; so that counting from A。D。 399; the year Ke…hae; as that in 
which he set out; the year of his getting to Ts'ing…chow would have been 
Kwei…chow; the ninth year of the period E…he; and we might join on 〃This 
year Keah…yin〃 to that paragraph; as the date at which the narrative was 
written out for the bamboo…tablets and the silk; and then begins the Envoy; 
〃In the twelfth year of E…he。〃 This would remove the error as it stands at 
present; but unfortunately there is a particle at the end of the second date 
({。}); which seems to tie the twelfth year of E…he to Keah…yin; as another 
designation   of   it。   The   〃year…star〃   is   the   planet   Jupiter;   the   revolution   of 
which;   in   twelve   years;   constitutes   〃a   great   year。〃   Whether   it   would   be 
possible   to   fix   exactly   by   mathematical   calculation   in   what   year   Jupiter 
was in the Chinese zodiacal sign embracing part of both Virgo and Scorpio; 
and thereby help to solve the difficulty of the passage; I do not know; and 
in the meantime must leave that difficulty as I have found it。 
     '17' We do not know who the writer of the Envoy was。 〃The winter 
study or library〃 would be the name of the apartment in his monastery or 
house; where he sat and talked with Fa…hien。 
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