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the vested interests and the common man-及23嫗

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the jurists and the diplomatic corps。 Meantime the far´reaching�察�
swift´moving�察�wide´sweeping machine technology has been drawn 
into the service of national pretensions�察�as well as of the 
vested interests that find shelter under the national 
pretensions�察�and both the remedial diplomats and the 
self´determination of nations are on the way to become a tale 
that was told。  
 
    The divine right of nations appears to be a blurred 
after´image of the divine rights of kings。 It rests on ground 
more archaic and less open to scrutiny than the Natural Right of 
self´direction as it applies in the case of individual persons。 
It is a highly prized national asset�察�in the nature of an 
imponderable�察�and�察�very much as is true of the divine right of 
kings�察�any spoken doubt of its paramount validity comes near 
being a sin against the Holy Ghost。 It can not safely be 
scrutinised or defined in matter´of´fact words。 As is true of the 
divine right of kings�察�so also as regards the divine right of 
nations�察�it is extremely difficult to show that it serves the 
common good in any material way�察�in any way that can be 
formulated or verified in terms of tangible performance。 
Evidently it does not come in under that mechanistic conception 
that rules the scheme of knowledge and belief wherever and so far 
as material science and the machine technology have reshaped 
men's habits of thought。 Indeed�察�it is not a technological 
conception�察�late or early。 It is not statable in terms of 
mechanical efficiency�察�or even in terms of price。 Hence it is 
spoken of�察�often and eloquently�察�as being ;beyond price。; It is 
more nearly akin to magic and religion。 It should perhaps best be 
conceived as an end in itself�察�or a thing´in´itself  again in 
close analogy with the divine right of kings。 But there is no 
question of its substantial reality and its paramount efficacy 
for good and ill。 
    The divine  that is to say inscrutable and irresponsible  
right of kings reached its best estate and put on divinity in the 
stirring times of the Era of State´making�察�when the princes and 
prelates ;tore each other in the slime。; It was of a proprietary 
nature�察�a vested interest�察�something in the nature of intangible 
assets which embodied the usufruct of the realm�察�including its 
population and resources�察�and which could be turned to account in 
the pursuit of princely or dynastic advantages at home and 
abroad。 This divine right of princes was disallowed among the 
more civilised peoples on the transition to modern ways of 
thinking�察�and the sovereign rights of the prince were then taken 
over  at least in form and principle  by the people at large�察�
and they have continued to be held by them as some sort of 
imponderable ;community property�察─ �at least in point of form 
and profession。 The vested interest of the prince or the dynasty 
in the usufruct of the underlying community is thereby presumed 
to have become a collective interest vested in the people of the 
nations and giving them a ;right of user; in their own persons�察�
knowledge�察�skill and resources。 
    The mantle of princely sovereignty has fallen on the common 
man  formally and according to the letter of the legal 
instruments。 In practical effect�察�as ;democratic sovereignty; it 
has been converted into a cloak to cover the nakedness of a 
government which does business for the kept classes。 In practical 
effect�察�the shift from the dynastic politics of the era of 
state´making to the Liberal policies based on the enlightened 
principles of the eighteenth century has been a shift from the 
pursuit of princely dominion to an imperialistic enterprise for 
the protection and furtherance of those vested interests that are 
domiciled within the national frontiers。 That such has been the 
practical outcome is due to the fact that these enlightened 
principles of the eighteenth century comprise as their chief 
article the ;natural; right of ownership。 The later course of 
events has decided that the ownership of property in sufficiently 
large blocks will control the country's industrial system and 
thereby take over the disposal of the community's net output of 
product over cost�察�on which the vested interests live and on 
which�察�therefore�察�the kept classes feed。 Hence the chief concern 
of those gentlemanly national governments that have displaced the 
dynastic states is always and consistently the maintenance of the 
rights of ownership and investment。 
    However�察�these pecuniary interests of investment and free 
income are not all that is covered by the mantle of democratic 
sovereignty。 Nor will it hold true that the common man has no 
share in the legacy of sovereignty and national enterprise which 
the enlightened democratic commonwealth has taken over from the 
departed dynastic r�gime。 The divine right of the prince included 
certain imponderables�察�as well as the usufruct of the material 
resources of the realm。 There were the princely dignity and 
honor�察�which were no less substantial an object of value and 
ambition and were no less tenaciously held by the princes of the 
dynastic r�gime than the revenues and material ;sinews of war; on 
which the prestige and honor rested。 And the common man of the 
democratic commonwealth has at least come in for a ratable share 
in these imponderables of prestige and honor that so are 
comprised under the divine right of the nation。 He has an 
undivided interest in the glamour of national achievement�察�and he 
can swell with just pride in contemplating the triumphs of his 
gentlemanly government over the vested interests domiciled in any 
foreign land�察�or with just indignation at any diplomatic setback 
suffered by the vested interests domiciled in his own。 
    There is also a more tangible�察�though more petty�察�advantage 
gained for the common man in having formally taken over the 
sovereignty from the dead hand of the dynastic prince。 The common 
man being now vested with the divine right of national 
sovereignty�察�held in undivided community ownership�察�it is 
ceremonially necessary for the gentlemanly stewards of the kept 
classes to consult the wishes of this their sovereign on any 
matters of policy that can not wholly be carried through in a 
diplomatic corner and under cover of night and cloud。 He�察�
collectively�察�holds an eventual power of veto。 And this power of 
veto has in practice been found to be something of a safeguard 
against any universal and enduring increase of hardship at the 
hands of the gentlemen´investors to whom the conduct of the 
nation's affairs has been ;entrusted�察─�a very modest safeguard�察�
it is true�察�but always of some eventual consequence。 There is the 
difference that in the democratic commonwealth the common man has 
to be managed rather than driven�察 �except for minor groups of 
common men who live on the lower´common levels�察�and except for 
recurrent periods of legislative hysteria and judiciary 
blind´staggers。 And it is pleasanter to be managed than to be 
driven。 Chicane is a more humane art than corporal punishment。 
Imperial England is�察�after all�察�a milder´mannered stepmother than 
Imperial Germany。 
    And always the common man comes in for his ratable share in 
the glamour of national achievement�察�in war and peace�察�and this 
imponderable gain of the spirit is also something。 The value of 
these collective imponderables of national prestige and 
collective honor is not to be made light of。 These count for very 
much in the drift and set of national sentiment�察�and moral issues 
of national moment are wont to arise out of them。 Indeed�察�they 
constitute the chief incentive which holds the common man to an 
unrepining constancy in the service of the ;national interests�察─�
So that�察�while the tangible shell of material gain appears to 
have fallen to the democratic community's kept classes�察�yet the 
;psychic income; that springs from national enterprise�察�the 
spiritual kernel of national elation they share with the common 
man on an equitable footing of community interest。 
    The vested rights of the nation are of the essence of that 
order of things which enjoys the unqualified sanction of the 
modern point of view�察�Like any other vested interest�察�these 
rights are conceived in other terms than those which are native 
to the new order of material science and technology。 They are of 
an older and more spiritual order�察�so far as regards the 
principles of knowledge and belief on which they rest。 But 
whatever may be their remoter pedigree�察�they have the sanction of 
that body of principles that is called the modern point of view�察�
and they belong in the scheme of things handed on by the Liberal 
movement of the eighteenth and nineteenth century。 Apart from the 
imponderable values which fall under the head of national 
prestige�察�these vested rights of the nation can be defined as an 
extension to the commonwealth of the same natural rights of 
self´direction and personal security  free contract and 
self´help  that are secured to the individual citizen under the 
common law。 
    Yet�察�while the national policies of the democratic 
commonwealths are managed by Liberal statesmen in b
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隆堋響頼��紗秘慕禰厮宴和肝写偬堋響��
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