north america-2-第55章

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ach　State　protection　against　invasion；　and；　if　necessary；　against　domestic　violencemeaning；　I　presume；　internal　violence。　　The　words　domestic　violence　might　seem　to　refer　solely　to　slave　insurrections；　but　such　is　not　the　meaning　of　the　words。　　The　free　State　of　New　York　would　be　entitled　to　the　assistance　of　the　Federal　government　in　putting　down　internal　violence；　if　unable　to　quell　such　violence　by　her　own　power。　This　Constitution；　and　the　laws　of　the　United　States　made　in　pursuance　of　it；　are　to　be　held　as　the　supreme　law　of　the　land。　　The　judges　of　every　State　are　to　be　bound　thereby；　let　the　laws　or　separate　constitution　of　such　State　say　what　they　will　to　the　contrary。　　Senators　and　others　are　to　be　bound　by　oath　to　support　the　Constitution；　but　no　religious　test　shall　be　required　as　a　qualification　to　any　office。　In　the　amendments　to　the　Constitution；　it　is　enacted　that　Congress　shall　make　no　law　as　to　the　establishment　of　any　religion；　or　prohibiting　the　free　exercise　thereof；　and　also　that　it　shall　not　abridge　the　freedom　of　speech；　or　of　the　press；　or　of　petition。　　The　government；　however；　as　is　well　known；　has　taken　upon　itself　to　abridge　the　freedom　of　the　press。　　The　right　of　the　people　to　bear　arms　shall　not　be　infringed。　　Then　follow　various　clauses　intended　for　the　security　of　the　people　in　reference　to　the　administration　of　the　laws。　　They　shall　not　be　troubled　by　unreasonable　searches。　They　shall　not　be　made　to　answer　for　great　offenses　except　by　indictment　of　a　grand　jury。　　They　shall　not　be　put　twice　in　jeopardy　for　the　same　offense。　　They　shall　not　be　compelled　to　give　evidence　against　themselves。　　Private　property　shall　not　be　taken　for　public　use　without　compensation。　　Accused　persons　in　criminal　proceedings　shall　be　entitled　to　speedy　and　public　trial。　　They　shall　be　confronted　with　the　witnesses　against　them；　and　shall　have　assistance　of　counsel。　　Suits　in　which　the　value　controverted　is　above　twenty　dollars　（4l。）　shall　be　tried　before　juries。　　Excessive　bail　shall　not　be　required；　nor　cruel　and　unusual　punishments　inflicted。　　In　all　which　enactments　we　see；　I　think；　a　close　resemblance　to　those　which　have　been　time　honored　among　ourselves。　The　remaining　amendments　apply　to　the　mode　in　which　the　President　and　Vice…President　shall　be　elected；　and　of　them　I　have　already　spoken。　The　Constitution　is　signed　by　Washington　as　Presidentas　President　and　Deputy　from　Virginia。　　It　is　signed　by　deputies　from　all　the　other　States；　except　Rhode　Island。　　Among　the　signatures　is　that　of　Alexander　Hamilton；　from　New　York；　of　Franklin；　heading　a　crowd　in　Pennsylvania；　in　the　capital　of　which　State　the　convention　was　held；　and　that　of　James　Madison；　the　future　President；　from　Virginia。　In　the　beginning　of　this　chapter　I　have　spoken　of　the　splendid　results　attained　by　those　who　drew　up　the　Constitution；　and　then；　as　though　in　opposition　to　the　praise　thus　given　to　their　work；　I　have　insisted　throughout　the　chapter　both　on　the　insufficiency　of　the　Constitution　and　on　the　breaches　to　which　it　has　been　subjected。　　I　have　declared　my　opinion　that　it　is　inefficient　for　some　of　its　required　purposes；　and　have　said　that；　whether　inefficient　or　efficient；　it　has　been　broken　and　in　some　degree　abandoned。　　I　maintain；　however；　that　in　this　I　have　not　contradicted　myself。　　A　boy；　who　declares　his　purpose　of　learning　the　AEneid　by　heart；　will　be　held　as　being　successful　if　at　the　end　of　the　given　period　he　can　repeat　eleven　books　out　of　the　twelve。　　Nevertheless　the　reporter；　in　summing　up　the　achievement；　is　bound　to　declare　that　that　other　book　has　not　been　learned。　　Under　this　Constitution　of　which　I　have　been　speaking；　the　American　people　have　achieved　much　material　success　and　great　political　power。　　As　a　people　they　have　been　happy　and　prosperous。　　Their　freedom　has　been　secured　to　them；　and　for　a　period　of　seventy…five　years　they　have　lived　and　prospered　without　subjection　to　any　form　of　tyranny。　　This　in　itself　is　much；　and　should；　I　think；　be　held　as　a　preparation　for　greater　things　to　follow。　　Such；　I　think；　should　be　our　opinion；　although　the　nation　is　at　the　present　burdened　by　so　heavy　a　load　of　troubles。　　That　any　written　constitution　should　serve　its　purposes　and　maintain　its　authority　in　a　nation　for　a　dozen　years　is　in　itself　much　for　its　framers。　　Where　are　now　the　constitutions　which　were　written　for　France？　　But　this　Constitution　has　so　wound　itself　into　the　affections　of　the　people；　has　become　a　mark　for　such　reverence　and　love；　has；　after　a　trial　of　three…quarters　of　a　century；　so　recommended　itself　to　the　judgment　of　men；　that　the　difficulty　consists　in　touching　it；　not　in　keeping　it。　　Eighteen　or　twenty　millions　of　people　who　have　lived　under　it；in　what　way　do　they　regard　it？　　Is　not　that　the　best　evidence　that　can　be　had　respecting　it？　　Is　it　to　them　an　old　woman's　story；　a　useless　parchment；　a　thing　of　old　words　at　which　all　must　now　smile？　　Heaven　mend　them；　if　they　reverence　it　more；　as　I　fear　they　do；　than　they　reverence　their　Bible。　　For　them；　after　seventy…five　years　of　trial；　it　has　almost　the　weight　of　inspiration。　　In　this　respect；　with　reference　to　this　worship　of　the　work　of　their　forefathers；　they　may　be　in　error。　　But　that　very　error　goes　far　to　prove　the　excellence　of　the　code。　　When　a　man　has　walked　for　six　months　over　stony　ways　in　the　same　boots；　he　will　be　believed　when　he　says　that　his　boots　are　good　boots。　　No　assertion　to　the　contrary　from　any　by…stander　will　receive　credence；　even　though　it　be　shown　that　a　stitch　or　two　has　come　undone；　and　that　some　required　purpose　has　not　effectually　been　carried　out。　　The　boots　have　carried　the　man　over　his　stony　roads　for　six　months；　and　they　must　be　good　boots。　　And　so　I　say　that　the　Constitution　must　be　a　good　constitution。　As　to　that　positive　breach　of　the　Constitution　which　has；　as　I　maintain；　been　committed　by　the　present　government；　although　I　have　been　at　some　trouble　to　prove　it；　I　must　own　that　I　do　not　think　very　much　of　it。　　It　is　to　be　lamented；　but　the　evil　admits；　I　think；　of　easy　repair。　　It　has　happened　at　a　period　of　unwonted　difficulty；　when　the　minds　of　men　were　intent　rather　on　the　support　of　that　nationality　which　guarantees　their　liberties；　than　on　the　enjoyment　of　those　liberties　themselves；　and　the　fault　may　be　pardoned　if　it　be　acknowledged。　　But　it　is　essential　that　it　should　be　acknowledged。　　In　such　a　matter　as　that　there　should　at　any　rate　be　no　doubt。　　Now；　in　this　very　year　of　the　rebellion；　it　may　be　well　that　no　clamor　against　government　should　arise　from　the　people；　and　thus　add　to　the　difficulties　of　the　nation。　　But　it　will　be　bad；　indeed；　for　the　nation　if　such　a　fault　shall　have　been　committed　by　this　government　and　shall　be　allowed　to　pass　unacknowledged；　unrebukedas　though　it　were　a　virtue　and　no　fault。　　I　cannot　but　think　that　the　time　will　soon　come　in　which　Mr。　Seward's　reading　of　the　Constitution　and　Mr。　Lincoln's　assumption　of　illegal　power　under　that　reading　will　receive　a　different　construction　in　the　States　than　that　put　upon　it　by　Mr。　Binney。　But　I　have　admitted　that　the　Constitution　itself　is　not　perfect。　　It　seems　to　me　that　it　requires　to　be　amended　on　two　separate　points　especially　on　two；　and　I　cannot　but　acknowledge　that　there　would　be　great　difficulty　in　making　such　amendments。　　That　matter　of　direct　taxation　is　the　first。　　As　to　that　I　shall　speak　again　in　referring　to　the　financial　position　of　the　country。　　I　think；　however；　that　it　must　be　admitted；　in　any　discussion　held　on　the　Constitution　of　the　United　States；　that　the　theory　of　taxation　as　there　laid　down　will　not　suffice　for　the　wants　of　a　great　nation。　　If　the　States　are　to　maintain　their　ground　as　a　great　national　power；　they　must　agree　among　themselves　to　bear　the　cost　of　such　greatness。　　While　a　custom　duty　was　sufficient　for　the　public　wants　of　the　United　States；　this　fault　in　the　Constitution　was　not　felt。　　But　now　that　standing　armies　have　been　inaugurated；　that　iron…clad　ships　are　held　as　desirable；　that　a　great　national　debt　has　been　founded；　custom　duties　will　suffice　no　longer；　nor　will　excise　duties　suffice。　Direct　taxation　must　be　levied；　and　such　taxation　cannot　be　fairly　levied　without　a　change　in　the　Constitution。　　But　such　a　change　may　be　made　in　direct　accordance　with　the　spirit　of　the　Constitution；　and　the　necessity　for　such　an　alteration　cannot　be　held　as　proving　any　inefficiency　in　the　original　document　for　the　purposes　originally　required。　As　regards　the　other　point　which　seems　to　me　to　require　amendment；　I　must　acknowledge　that　I　am　about　to　express　simply　my　own　opinion。　Should　Americans　read　what　I　write；　they　may　probably　say　that　I　am　recommending　them　to　adopt　the　blunders　made　by　the　English　in　their　practice　of　government。　　Englishmen；　on　the　other　hand；　may　not　improbably　conceive　that　a　system　which　works　well　here　under　a　monarchy；　would　absolutely　fail　under　a　presidency　of　four　years'　duration。　　Nevertheless　I　will　venture　to　suggest　that　the　government　of　the　United　States　would　be　improved　in　all　respects　if　the　gentlemen　forming　the　President's　cabinet　were　admitted　to　seats　in　Congress。　　At　present　they　are　virtually　irresponsible。　　They　are　constitutionally　little　more　than　head　clerks。　　This　was　all　very　we