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the ancien regime-第1章

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The Ancien Regime



by Charles Kingsley










PREFACE







The rules of the Royal Institution forbid (and wisely) religious or

political controversy。  It was therefore impossible for me in these

Lectures; to say much which had to be said; in drawing a just and

complete picture of the Ancien Regime in France。  The passages

inserted between brackets; which bear on religious matters; were

accordingly not spoken at the Royal Institution。



But more。  It was impossible for me in these Lectures; to bring

forward as fully as I could have wished; the contrast between the

continental nations and England; whether now; or during the

eighteenth century。  But that contrast cannot be too carefully

studied at the present moment。  In proportion as it is seen and

understood; will the fear of revolution (if such exists) die out

among the wealthier classes; and the wish for it (if such exists)

among the poorer; and a large extension of the suffrage will be

looked on aswhat it actually isa safe and harmless concession to

the wishesand; as I hold; to the just rightsof large portion of

the British nation。



There exists in Britain now; as far as I can see; no one of those

evils which brought about the French Revolution。  There is no

widespread misery; and therefore no widespread discontent; among the

classes who live by hand…labour。  The legislation of the last

generation has been steadily in favour of the poor; as against the

rich; and it is even more true now than it was in 1789; thatas

Arthur Young told the French mob which stopped his carriagethe

rich pay many taxes (over and above the poor…rates; a direct tax on

the capitalist in favour of the labourer) more than are paid by the

poor。  〃In England〃 (says M。 de Tocqueville of even the eighteenth

century) 〃the poor man enjoyed the privilege of exemption from

taxation; in France; the rich。〃  Equality before the law is as well…

nigh complete as it can be; where some are rich and others poor; and

the only privileged class; it sometimes seems to me; is the pauper;

who has neither the responsibility of self…government; nor the toil

of self…support。



A minority of malcontents; some justly; some unjustly; angry with

the present state of things; will always exist in this world。  But a

majority of malcontents we shall never have; as long as the workmen

are allowed to keep untouched and unthreatened their rights of free

speech; free public meeting; free combination for all purposes which

do not provoke a breach of the peace。  There may be (and probably

are) to be found in London and the large towns; some of those

revolutionary propagandists who have terrified and tormented

continental statesmen since the year 1815。  But they are far fewer

in number than in 1848; far fewer still (I believe) than in 1831;

and their habits; notions; temper; whole mental organisation; is so

utterly alien to that of the average Englishman; that it is only the

sense of wrong which can make him take counsel with them; or make

common cause with them。  Meanwhile; every man who is admitted to a

vote; is one more person withdrawn from the temptation to

disloyalty; and enlisted in maintaining the powers that bewhen

they are in the wrong; as well as when they are in the right。  For

every Englishman is by his nature conservative; slow to form an

opinion; cautious in putting it into effect; patient under evils

which seem irremediable; persevering in abolishing such as seem

remediable; and then only too ready to acquiesce in the earliest

practical result; to 〃rest and be thankful。〃  His faults; as well as

his virtues; make him anti…revolutionary。  He is generally too dull

to take in a great idea; and if he does take it in; often too

selfish to apply it to any interest save his own。  But now and then;

when the sense of actual injury forces upon him a great idea; like

that of Free…trade or of Parliamentary Reform; he is indomitable;

however slow and patient; in translating his thought into fact:  and

they will not be wise statesmen who resist his dogged determination。

If at this moment he demands an extension of the suffrage eagerly

and even violently; the wise statesman will give at once; gracefully

and generously; what the Englishman will certainly obtain one day;

if he has set his mind upon it。  If; on the other hand; he asks for

it calmly; then the wise statesman (instead of mistaking English

reticence for apathy) will listen to his wishes all the more

readily; seeing in the moderation of the demand; the best possible

guarantee for moderation in the use of the thing demanded。



And; be it always remembered; that in introducing these men into the

〃balance of the Constitution;〃 we introduce no unknown quantity。

Statesmen ought to know them; if they know themselves; to judge what

the working man would do by what they do themselves。  He who imputes

virtues to his own class imputes them also to the labouring class。

He who imputes vices to the labouring class; imputes them to his own

class。  For both are not only of the same flesh and blood; but; what

is infinitely more important; of the same spirit; of the same race;

in innumerable cases; of the same ancestors。  For centuries past the

most able of these men have been working upwards into the middle

class; and through it; often; to the highest dignities; and the

highest family connections; and the whole nation knows how they have

comported themselves therein。  And; by a reverse process (of which

the physiognomist and genealogist can give abundant proof); the

weaker members of that class which was dominant during the Middle

Age have been sinking downward; often to the rank of mere day…

labourers; and carrying downward with themsometimes in a very

tragical and pathetic fashionsomewhat of the dignity and the

refinement which they had learnt from their ancestors。



Thus has the English nation (and as far as I can see; the Scotch

likewise) become more homogeneous than any nation of the Continent;

if we except France since the extermination of the Frankish

nobility。  And for that very reason; as it seems to me; it is more

fitted than any other European nation for the exercise of equal

political rights; and not to be debarred of them by arguments drawn

from countries which have been governedas England has not beenby

a caste。



The civilisation; not of mere book…learning; but of the heart; all

that was once meant by 〃manners〃good breeding; high feeling;

respect for self and respect for othersare just as common (as far

as I have seen) among the hand…workers of England and Scotland; as

among any other class; the only difference is; that these qualities

develop more early in the richer classes; owing to that severe

discipline of our public schools; which makes mere lads often fit to

govern; because they have learnt to obey:  while they develop later…

…generally not till middle agein the classes who have not gone

through in their youth that Spartan training; and who indeed (from a

mistaken conception of liberty) would not endure it for a day。  This

and other social drawbacks which are but too patent; retard the

manhood of the working classes。  That it should be so; is a wrong。

For if a citizen have one right above all others to demand anything

of his country; it is that he should be educated; that whatever

capabilities he may have in him; however small; should have their

fair and full chance of development。  But the cause of the wrong is

not the existence of a caste; or a privileged class; or of anything

save the plain fact; that some men will be always able to pay more

for their children's education than others; and that those children

will; inevitably; win in the struggle of life。



Meanwhile; in this fact is to be found the most weighty; if not the

only argument against manhood suffrage; which would admit manybut

too many; alas!who are still mere boys in mind。  To a reasonable

household suffrage it cannot apply。  The man who (being almost

certainly married; and having children) can afford to rent a 5 pound

tenement in a town; or in the country either; has seen quite enough

of life; and learnt quite enough of it; to form a very fair judgment

of the man who offers to represent him in Parliament; because he has

learnt; not merely something of his own interest; or that of his

class; butwhat is infinitely more importantthe difference

between the pretender and the honest man。



The causes of this state of society; which is peculiar to Britain;

must be sought far back in the ages。  It would seem that the

distinction between 〃earl and churl〃 (the noble and the non…noble

freeman) was crushed out in this island by the two Norman conquests…

…that of the Anglo…Saxon nobility by Sweyn and Canute; and that of

the Anglo…Danish nobility by William and his Frenchmen。  Those two

terrible calamities; following each other in the short space of

fifty years; seem to have welded t
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