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It is important to the success of my defence； that I should vindicate myself from this reproach； and since； while perceiving in myself other faults of a different character； I still adhere in this particular to my disputatious style； it is right that I should give my reasons for my conduct。 I act； not from inclination； but from necessity。
I say； then； that I treat my authors as I do for two reasons： a REASON OF RIGHT； and a REASON OF INTENTION； both peremptory。
1。 Reason of right。 When I preach equality of fortunes； I do not advance an opinion more or less probable； a utopia more or less ingenious； an idea conceived within my brain by means of imagination only。 I lay down an absolute truth； concerning which hesitation is impossible； modesty superfluous； and doubt ridiculous。
But； do you ask； what assures me that that which I utter is true？
What assures me； sir？ The logical and metaphysical processes which I use； the correctness of which I have demonstrated by a priori reasoning； the fact that I possess an infallible method of investigation and verification with which my authors are unacquainted； and finally； the fact that for all matters relating to property and justice I have found a formula which explains all legislative variations； and furnishes a key for all problems。 Now； is there so much as a shadow of method in M。 Toullier； M。 Troplong； and this swarm of insipid commentators； almost as devoid of reason and moral sense as the code itself？ Do you give the name of method to an alphabetical； chronological； analogical； or merely nominal classification of subjects？ Do you give the name of method to these lists of paragraphs gathered under an arbitrary head； these sophistical vagaries； this mass of contradictory quotations and opinions； this nauseous style； this spasmodic rhetoric； models of which are so common at the bar； though seldom found elsewhere？ Do you take for philosophy this twaddle； this intolerable pettifoggery adorned with a few scholastic trimmings？ No； no！ a writer who respects himself； never will consent to enter the balance with these manipulators of law； misnamed JURISTS； and for my part I object to a comparison。
2。 Reason of intention。 As far as I am permitted to divulge this secret； I am a conspirator in an immense revolution； terrible to charlatans and despots； to all exploiters of the poor and credulous； to all salaried idlers； dealers in political panaceas and parables； tyrants in a word of thought and of opinion。 I labor to stir up the reason of individuals to insurrection against the reason of authorities。
According to the laws of the society of which I am a member； all the evils which afflict humanity arise from faith in external teachings and submission to authority。 And not to go outside of our own century； is it not true； for instance； that France is plundered； scoffed at； and tyrannized over； because she speaks in masses； and not by heads？ The French people are penned up in three or four flocks； receiving their signal from a chief； responding to the voice of a leader； and thinking just as he says。 A certain journal； it is said； has fifty thousand subscribers； assuming six readers to every subscriber； we have three hundred thousand sheep browsing and bleating at the same cratch。 Apply this calculation to the whole periodical press； and you find that； in our free and intelligent France； there are two millions of creatures receiving every morning from the journals spiritual pasturage。 Two millions！ In other words； the entire nation allows a score of little fellows to lead it by the nose。
By no means； sir； do I deny to journalists talent； science； love of truth； patriotism； and what you please。 They are very worthy and intelligent people； whom I undoubtedly should wish to resemble； had I the honor to know them。 That of which I complain； and that which has made me a conspirator； is that； instead of enlightening us； these gentlemen command us； impose upon us articles of faith； and that without demonstration or verification。 When； for example； I ask why these fortifications of Paris； which； in former times； under the influence of certain prejudices； and by means of a concurrence of extraordinary circumstances supposed for the sake of the argument to have existed； may perhaps have served to protect us； but which it is doubtful whether our descendants will ever use；when I ask； I say； on what grounds they assimilate the future to a hypothetical past； they reply that M。 Thiers； who has a great mind； has written upon this subject a report of admirable elegance and marvellous clearness。 At this I become angry； and reply that M。 Thiers does not know what he is talking about。 Why； having wanted no detached forts seven years ago； do we want them to…day？
〃Oh！ damn it；〃 they say； 〃the difference is great； the first forts were too near to us； with these we cannot be bombarded。〃 You cannot be bombarded； but you can be blockaded； and will be； if you stir。 What！ to obtain blockade forts from the Parisians； it has sufficed to prejudice them against bombardment forts！ And they thought to outwit the government！ Oh； the sovereignty of the people！ 。 。 。
〃Damn it！ M。 Thiers； who is wiser than you； says that it would be absurd to suppose a government making war upon citizens； and maintaining itself by force and in spite of the will of the people。 That would be absurd！〃 Perhaps so： such a thing has happened more than once； and may happen again。 Besides； when despotism is strong； it appears almost legitimate。 However that may be； they lied in 1833； and they lie again in 1841；those who threaten us with the bomb…shell。 And then； if M。 Thiers is so well assured of the intentions of the government； why does he not wish the forts to be built before the circuit is extended？ Why this air of suspicion of the government； unless an intrigue has been planned between the government and M。 Thiers？
〃Damn it！ we do not wish to be again invaded。 If Paris had been fortified in 1815； Napoleon would not have been conquered！〃 But I tell you that Napoleon was not conquered； but sold； and that if； in 1815； Paris had had fortifications； it would have been with them as with the thirty thousand men of Grouchy； who were misled during the battle。 It is still easier to surrender forts than to lead soldiers。 Would the selfish and the cowardly ever lack reasons for yielding to the enemy？
〃But do you not see that the absolutist courts are provoked at our fortifications？a proof that they do not think as you do。〃 You believe that； and； for my part； I believe that in reality they are quite at ease about the matter； and； if they appear to tease our ministers； they do so only to give the latter an opportunity to decline。 The absolutist courts are always on better terms with our constitutional monarchy； than our monarchy with us。 Does not M。 Guizot say that France needs to be defended within as well as without？ Within！ against whom？ Against France。 O Parisians！ it is but six months since you demanded war； and now you want only barricades。 Why should the allies fear your doctrines； when you cannot even control yourselves？ 。 。 。 How could you sustain a siege； when you weep over the absence of an actress？
〃But； finally； do you not understand that； by the rules of modern warfare； the capital of a country is always the objective point of its assailants？ Suppose our army defeated on the Rhine； France invaded； and defenceless Paris falling into the hands of the enemy。 It would be the death of the administrative power； without a head it could not live。 The capital taken； the nation must submit。 What do you say to that？〃
The reply is very simple。 Why is society constituted in such a way that the destiny of the country depends upon the safety of the capital？ Why； in case our territory be invaded and Paris besieged； cannot the legislative； executive； and military powers act outside of Paris？ Why this localization of all the vital forces of France？ 。 。 。 Do not cry out upon decentralization。 This hackneyed reproach would discredit only your own intelligence and sincerity。 It is not a question of decentralization； it is your political fetichism which I attack。 Why should the national unity be attached to a certain place； to certain functionaries； to certain bayonets？ Why should the Place Maubert and the Palace of the Tuileries be the palladium of France？
Now let me make an hypothesis。
Suppose it were written in the charter； 〃In case the country be again invaded； and Paris forced to surrender； the government being annihilated and the national assembly dissolved； the electoral colleges shall reassemble spontaneously and without other official notice； for the purpose of appointing new deputies； who shall organize a provisional government at Orleans。
If Orleans succumbs； the government shall reconstruct itself in the same way at Lyons； then at Bordeaux； then at Bayonne； until all France be captured or the enemy driven from the land。 For the government may perish； but the nation never dies。 The king； the peers； and the deputies massacred； VIVE LA FRANCE！〃
Do you not think that such an addition to the charter would be a better safeguard for the liberty and integrity of the country