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forming an administration on a wide basis； but they had scarcely been
opened when they were closed。 The opposition demanded； as a
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preliminary article of the treaty； that Pitt should resign the Treasury； and
with this demand Pit steadfastly refused to comply。 While the contest was
raging； the Clerkship of the Pells； a sinecure place for life； worth three
thousand a year； and tenable with a seat in the House of Commons；
became vacant。 The appointment was with the Chancellor of the
Exchequer： nobody doubted that he would appoint himself； and nobody
could have blamed him if he had done so： for such sinecure offices had
always been defended on the ground that they enabled a few men of
eminent abilities and small incomes to live without any profession； and to
devote themselves to the service of the state。 Pitt； in spite of the
remonstrances of his friends； gave the Pells to his father's old adherent；
Colonel Barre； a man distinguished by talent and eloquence； but poor and
afflicted with blindness。 By this arrangement a pension which the
Rockingham administration had granted to Barre was saved to the public。
Never was there a happier stroke of policy。 About treaties； wars；
expeditions； tariffs； budgets； there will always be room for dispute。 The
policy which is applauded by half the nation may be condemned by the
other half。 But pecuniary disinterestedness everybody comprehends。 It is a
great thing for a man who has only three hundred a year to be able to show
that he considers three thousand a year as mere dirt beneath his feet； when
compared with the public interest and the public esteem。 Pitt had his
reward。 No minister was ever more rancorously libelled； but； even when
he was known to be overwhelmed with debt； when millions were passing
through his hands； when the wealthiest magnates of the realm were
soliciting him for marquisates and garters； his bitterest enemies did not
dare to accuse him of touching unlawful gain。
At length the hard fought fight ended。 A final remonstrance； drawn up
by Burke with admirable skill； was carried on the 8th of March by a single
vote in a full House。 Had the experiment been repeated； the supporters of
the coalition would probably have been in a minority。 But the supplies had
been voted； the Mutiny Bill had been passed； and the Parliament was
dissolved。
The popular constituent bodies all over the country were in general
enthusiastic on the side of the new government。 A hundred and sixty of the
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supporters of the coalition lost their seats。 The First Lord of the Treasury
himself came in at the head of the poll for the University of Cambridge。
His young friend； Wilberforce； was elected knight of the great shire of
York； in opposition to the whole influence of the Fitzwilliams；
Cavendishes； Dundases； and Saviles。 In the midst of such triumphs Pitt
completed his twenty…fifth year。 He was now the greatest subject that
England had seen during many generations。 He domineered absolutely
over the cabinet； and was the favourite at once of the Sovereign； of the
Parliament； and of the nation。 His father had never been so powerful； nor
Walpole； nor Marlborough。 This narrative has now reached a point；
beyond which a full history of the life of Pitt would be a history of
England； or rather of the whole civilised world； and for such a history this
is not the proper place。 Here a very slight sketch must suffice； and in that
sketch prominence will be given to such points as may enable a reader
who is already acquainted with the general course of events to form a just
notion of the character of the man on whom so much depended。
If we wish to arrive at a correct judgment of Pitt's merits and defects；
we must never forget that he belonged to a peculiar class of statesmen； and
that he must be tried by a peculiar standard。 It is not easy to compare him
fairly with such men as Ximenes and Sully； Richelieu and Oxenstiern；
John de Witt； and Warren Hastings。 The means by which those politicians
governed great communities were of quite a different kind from those
which Pitt was under the necessity of employing。 Some talents； which they
never had any opportunity of showing that they possessed； were developed
in him to an extraordinary degree。 In some qualities； on the other hand； to
which they owe a large part of their fame； he was decidedly their inferior。
They transacted business in their closets； or at boards where a few
confidential councillors sate。 It was his lot to be born in an age and in a
country in which parliamentary government was completely established。
His whole training from infancy was such as fitted him to bear a part in
parliamentary government； and； from the prime of his manhood to his
death； all the powers of his vigorous mind were almost constantly exerted
in the work of parliamentary government。 He accordingly became the
greatest master of the whole art of parliamentary government that has ever
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existed； a greater than Montague or Walpole； a greater than his father
Chatham； or his rival Fox； a greater than either of his illustrious successors；
Canning and Peel。
Parliamentary government； like every other contrivance of man； has its
advantages and disadvantages。 On the advantages there is no need to dilate。
The history of England during the hundred and seventy years which have
elapsed since the House of Commons became the most powerful body in
the state； her immense and still growing prosperity； her freedom； her
tranquillity； her greatness in arts； in sciences； and in arms； her maritime
ascendency； the marvels of her public credit； her American； her African；
her Australian； her Asiatic empires； sufficiently prove the excellence of her
institutions。 But those institutions； though excellent； are assuredly not
perfect。 Parliamentary government is government by speaking。 In such a
government； the power of speaking is the most highly prized of all the
qualities which a politician can possess： and that power may exist； in the
highest degree； without judgment； without fortitude； without skill in
reading the characters of men or the signs of the times； without any
knowledge of the principles of legislation or of political economy； and
without any skill in diplomacy or in the administration of war。 Nay； it may
well happen that those very intellectual qualities which give a peculiar
charm to the speeches of a public man may be incompatible with the
qualities which would fit him to meet a pressing emergency with
promptitude and firmness。 It was thus with Charles Townshend。 It was
thus with Windham。 It was a privilege to listen to those accomplished and
ingenious orators。 But in a perilous crisis they would have been found far
inferior in all the qualities of rulers to such a man as Oliver Cromwell；
who talked nonsense； or as William the Silent； who did not talk at all。
When parliamentary government is established； a Charles Townshend or a
Windham will almost always exercise much greater influence than such
men as the great Protector of England； or as the founder of the Batavian
commonwealth。 In such a government； parliamentary talent； though quite
distinct from the talents of a good executive or judicial officer； will be a
chief qualification for executive and judicial office。 From the Book of
Dignities a curious list might be made out of C