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the writings-5-第58章

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endure。



If all the States save one should assert the power to drive that one

out of the Union; it is presumed the whole class of seceder

politicians would at once deny the power and denounce the act as the

greatest outrage upon State rights。  But suppose that precisely the

same act; instead of being called 〃driving the one out;〃 should be

called 〃the seceding of the others from that one;〃 it would be

exactly what the seceders claim to do; unless; indeed; they make the

point that the one; because it is a minority; may rightfully do what

the others; because they are a majority; may not rightfully do。

These politicians are subtle and profound on the rights of

minorities。  They are not partial to that power which made the

Constitution and speaks from the preamble calling itself 〃We; the

People。〃



It may well be questioned whether there is to…day a majority of the

legally qualified voters of any State except perhaps South Carolina

in favor of disunion。  There is much reason to believe that the Union

men are the majority in many; if not in every other one; of the so…

called seceded States。  The contrary has not been demonstrated in any

one of them。  It is ventured to affirm this even of Virginia and

Tennessee; for the result of an election held in military camps;

where the bayonets are all on one side of the question voted upon;

can scarcely be considered as demonstrating popular sentiment。  At

such an election; all that large class who are at once for the Union

and against coercion would be coerced to vote against the Union。



It may be affirmed without extravagance that the free institutions we

enjoy have developed the powers and improved the condition of our

whole people beyond any example in the world。  Of this we now have a

striking and an impressive illustration。  So large an army as the

government has now on foot was never before known without a soldier

in it but who has taken his place there of his own free choice。  But

more than this; there are many single regiments whose members; one

and another; possess full practical knowledge of all the arts;

sciences; professions; and whatever else; whether useful or elegant;

is known in the world; and there is scarcely one from which there

could not be selected a President; a Cabinet; a Congress; and perhaps

a court; abundantly competent to administer the government itself。

Nor do I say this is not true also in the army of our late friends;

now adversaries in this contest; but if it is; so much better the

reason why the government which has conferred such benefits on both

them and us should not be broken up。  Whoever in any section proposes

to abandon such a government would do well to consider in deference

to what principle it is that he does it; what better he is likely to

get in its stead; whether the substitute will give; or be intended to

give; so much of good to the people。  There are some foreshadowings

on this subject。  Our adversaries have adopted some declarations of

independence in which; unlike the good old one; penned by Jefferson;

they omit the words 〃all men are created equal。〃 Why? They have

adopted a temporary national constitution; in the preamble of which;

unlike our good old one; signed by Washington; they omit 〃We; the

People;〃 and substitute; 〃We; the deputies of the sovereign and

independent States。〃 Why? Why this deliberate pressing out of view

the rights of men and the authority of the people?



This is essentially a people's contest。  On the side of the Union it

is a struggle for maintaining in the world that form and substance of

government whose leading object is to elevate the condition of men to

lift artificial weights from all shoulders; to clear the paths of

laudable pursuit for all; to afford all an unfettered start; and a

fair chance in the race of life。  Yielding to partial and temporary

departures; from necessity; this is the leading object of the

government for whose existence we contend。



I am most happy to believe that the plain people understand and

appreciate this。  It is worthy of note that; while in this the

government's hour of trial large numbers of those in the army and

navy who have been favored with the offices have resigned and proved

false to the hand which had pampered them; not one common soldier or

common sailor is known to have deserted his flag。



Great honor is due to those officers who remained true; despite the

example of their treacherous associates; but the greatest honor; and

most important fact of all; is the unanimous firmness of the common

soldiers and common sailors。  To the last man; so far as known; they

have successfully resisted the traitorous efforts of those whose

commands; but an hour before; they obeyed as absolute law。  This is

the patriotic instinct of the plain people。  They understand; without

an argument; that the destroying of the government which was made by

Washington means no good to them。



Our popular government has often been called an experiment。  Two

points in it our people have already settledthe successful

establishing and the successful administering of it。  One still

remainsits successful maintenance against a formidable internal

attempt to overthrow it。  It is now for them to demonstrate to the

world that those who can fairly carry an election can also suppress a

rebellion; that ballots are the rightful and peaceful successors of

bullets; and that when ballots have fairly and constitutionally

decided; there can be no successful appeal back to bullets; that

there can be no successful appeal; except to ballots themselves; at

succeeding elections。  Such will be a great lesson of peace:

teaching men that what they cannot take by an election; neither can

they take it by a war; teaching all the folly of being the beginners

of a war。



Lest there be some uneasiness in the minds of candid men as to what

is to be the course of the government toward the Southern States

after the rebellion shall have been suppressed; the executive deems

it proper to say it will be his purpose then; as ever; to be guided

by the Constitution and the laws; and that he probably will have no

different understanding of the powers and duties of the Federal

Government relatively to the rights of the States and the people;

under the Constitution; than that expressed in the inaugural address。



He desires to preserve the government; that it may be administered

for all as it was administered by the men who made it。  Loyal

citizens everywhere have the right to claim this of their government;

and the government has no right to withhold or neglect it。  It is not

perceived that in giving it there is any coercion; any conquest; or

any subjugation; in any just sense of those terms。



The Constitution provides; and all the States have accepted the

provision; that 〃the United States shall guarantee to every State in

this Union a republican form of government。〃  But if a State may

lawfully go out of the Union; having done so it may also discard the

republican form of government; so that to prevent its going out is an

indispensable means to the end of maintaining the guarantee

mentioned; and when an end is lawful and obligatory; the

indispensable means to it are also lawful and obligatory。



It was with the deepest regret that the executive found the duty of

employing the war power in defense of the government forced upon him。

He could but perform this duty or surrender the existence of the

government。  No compromise by public servants could; in this case; be

a cure; not that compromises are not often proper; but that no

popular government can long survive a marked precedent that those who

carry an election can only save the government from immediate

destruction by giving up the main point upon which the people gave

the election。  The people themselves; and not their servants; can

safely reverse their own deliberate decisions。



As a private citizen the executive could not have consented that

these institutions shall perish; much less could he in betrayal of so

vast and so sacred a trust as these free people had confided to him。

He felt that he had no moral right to shrink; nor even to count the

chances of his own life; in what might follow。  In full view of his

great responsibility he has; so far; done what he has deemed his

duty。  You will now; according to your own judgment; perform yours。

He sincerely hopes that your views and your action may so accord with

his as to assure all faithful citizens who have been disturbed in

their rights of a certain and speedy restoration to them; under the

Constitution and the laws。



And having thus chosen our course; without guile and with pure

purpose; let us renew our trust in God; and go forward without fear

and with manly hearts。



ABRAHAM LINCOLN;   July 4; 1861









TO THE SECRETARY OF THE INTERIOR。



EXECUTIVE MANSION; July 6; 1861。



HON。 SEC。 OF INTE
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