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has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension。 Indeed；
the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and
been open to their inspection。 It is found in near1y all the
published speeches of him who now addresses you。 I do but quote from
one of those speeches when I declare that
〃I have no purpose； directly or indirectly； to interfere with the
institution of slavery in the States where it exists。 I believe I
have no lawful right to do so； and I have no inclination to do so。〃
Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I
had made this and many similar declarations； and had never recanted
them。 And； more than this； they placed in the platform for my
acceptance； and as a law to themselves and to me； the clear and
emphatic resolution which I now read：
〃Resolved； That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the
States； and especially the right of each State to order and control
its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment
exclusively； is essential to that balance of power on which the
perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend； and we
denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State
or Territory； no matter under what pretext； as amongst the gravest of
crimes。〃
I now reiterate these sentiments； and； in doing so； I only press upon
the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case
is susceptible； that the property； peace； and security of no section
are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming administration。
I add； too； that all the protection which； consistently with the
Constitution and the laws； can be given； will be cheerfully given to
all the States when lawfully demanded； for whatever causeas
cheerfully to one section as to another。
There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from
service or labor。 The clause I now read is as plainly written in the
Constitution as any other of its provisions：
〃No person held to service or labor in one State； under the laws
thereof； escaping into another； shall in consequence of any law or
regulation therein be discharged from such service or labor； but
shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or
labor may be due。〃
It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those
who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves； and
the intention of the lawgiver is the law。 All members of Congress
swear their support to the whole Constitutionto this provision as
much as to any other。 To the proposition； then； that slaves whose
cases come within the terms of this clause 〃shall be delivered up；〃
their oaths are unanimous。 Now； if they would make the effort in
good temper； could they not with nearly equal unanimity frame and
pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath？
There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be
enforced by national or by State authority； but surely that
difference is not a very material one。 If the slave is to be
surrendered； it can be of but little consequence to him or to others
by which authority it is done。 And should any one in any case be
content that his oath shall go unkept on a merely unsubstantial
controversy as to how it shall be kept？
Again； in any law upon this subject； ought not all the safeguards of
liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced；
so that a free man be not； in any case； surrendered as a slave？ And
might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the
enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that
〃the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and
immunities of citizens in the several States〃？
I take the official oath to…day with no mental reservations； and with
no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical
rules。 And； while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of
Congress as proper to be enforced； I do suggest that it will be much
safer for all； both in official and private stations； to conform to
and abide by all those acts which stand unrepealed； than to violate
any of them； trusting to find impunity in having them held to be
unconstitutional。
It is seventy…two years since the first inauguration of a President
under our national Constitution。 During that period fifteen
different and greatly distinguished citizens have； in succession；
administered the executive branch of the Government。 They have
conducted it through many perils； and generally with great success。
Yet； with all this scope of precedent； I now enter upon the same task
for the brief constitutional term of four years under great and
peculiar difficulty。 A disruption of the Federal Union； heretofore
only menaced； is now formidably attempted。
I hold that； in contemplation of universal law and of the
Constitution； the Union of these States is perpetual。 Perpetuity is
implied； if not expressed； in the fundamental law of all national
governments。 It is safe to assert that no government proper ever had
a provision in its organic law for its own termination。 Continue to
execute all the express provisions of our national Constitution； and
the Union will endure foreverit being impossible to destroy it
except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself。
Again； if the United States be not a government proper； but an
association of States in the nature of contract merely； can it as a
contract be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made
it？ One party to a contract may violate itbreak it； so to speak；
but does it not require all to lawfully rescind it？
Descending from these general principles； we find the proposition
that in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by the
history of the Union itself。 The Union is much older than the
Constitution。 It was formed； in fact； by the Articles of Association
in 1774。 It was matured and continued by the Declaration of
Independence in 1776。 It was further matured； and the faith of all
the then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it
should be perpetual； by the Articles of Confederation in 1778。 And；
finally； in 1787 one of the declared objects for ordaining and
establishing the Constitution was 〃to form a more perfect Union。〃
But if the destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the
States be lawfully possible； the Union is less perfect than before
the Constitution； having lost the vital element of perpetuity。
It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion
can lawfully get out of the Union； that resolves and ordinances to
that effect are legally void； and that acts of violence； within any
State or States； against the authority of the United States； are
insurrectionary or revolutionary； according to circumstances。
I therefore consider that； in view of the Constitution and the laws；
the Union is unbroken； and to the extent of my ability I shall take
care； as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me； that the
laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States。 Doing
this I deem to be only a simple duty on my part； and I shall perform
it so far as practicable； unless my rightful masters； the American
people； shall withhold the requisite means； or in some authoritative
manner direct the contrary。 I trust this will not be regarded as a
menace； but only as the declared purpose of the Union that it will
constitutionally defend and maintain itself。
In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence； and there
shall be none； unless it be forced upon the national authority。 The
power confided to me will be used to hold； occupy； and possess the
property and places belonging to the Government； and to collect the
duties and imposts； but beyond what may be necessary for these
objects； there will be no invasion； no using of force against or
among the people anywhere。 Where hostility to the United States； in
any interior locality； shall be so great and universal as to prevent
competent resident citizens from holding the Federal offices； there
will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for
that object。 While the strict legal right may exist in the
government to enforce the exercise of these offices； the attempt to
do so would be so irritating； and so nearly impracticable withal；
that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such
offices。
The mails； unless repelled； will continue to be furnished in all
parts of the Union。 So far as possible； the people everywhere shall
have that sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm
thought and reflection。 The course here indicated will be followed
unless current events and experience shall show a modification or
change to be proper； and in every case and exig